The role of media in migration and integration

Introduction

Migration processes and people adapting to new situations are affected by several factors acting in concert: political, economic as well as cultural. The media, as an important co-influencer of the migration and integration process, has recently been the subject of increased focus, while the massive use of the internet has changed previous concepts and created new areas of research.

Social media use is being taken into consideration more and more in migration theories, being included with economic and political factors in migration analysis models and explanations (see below). In classical migration studies the analysis focuses on groups of people who are moving to new places in search of better working and living conditions. There is also a new research focus – lifestyle migration – which studies people who are quite prosperous and educated within their home society but who either temporarily or permanently move to live in a new place that offers them a pleasant environment, better opportunities to deal with their interests, live a healthier life, etc.

The role of the media, especially the internet, is significant when it comes to shaping economic and lifestyle migration: it provides the initial introduction to destinations and helps create new relationships. This allows for significantly cheaper and more diverse communication than was previously possible between emigrants and those who stayed at home, resulting in a weakening of the fear of losing close relationships. The development of mass media and communications networks has also changed the understanding of researchers regarding the integration of immigrants into their target society: increasingly, when it comes to extrapolating meaning related to the adaptation process, the perspective of transnationalism is followed, according to which those people who have migrated to a target country are, in mental terms, simultaneously living in two societies, regardless of their physical location. Therefore, an analysis of people’s media use will help a great deal in explaining and predicting their migration behaviour.

The purpose of this chapter is to explain the impact of mass media and social networks on the development of the perceptions and behaviour of Estonian residents related to migration, mental and physical transnationalism, and integration into Estonian society. There is qualitative data (see Käpp et al. 2013) available on this subject, along with quantitative survey data demonstrating indirect links between interest in migration and media use. The data used in this analysis is primarily from the sociological survey “Me. The World. Media”. Throughout the course of the analysis, answers to three types of questions are being sought.

Firstly, to what extent and how is the use of media by residents of Estonia linked to other countries (in other words, to what extent are foreign information channels used, news from other countries followed, and social media utilised for relating to relatives/friends abroad?) and what are the age and ethno-linguistic differences? This data could, theoretically, show the impact of networks in explaining migraton.

The second question focuses on whether and how the use of media by people with migration experience (i.e. having been away from Estonia and returned) differs from that of local people? Is the more frequent use of foreign media also related to greater migration experience and interest? A hypothesis could be postulated here for further research, regarding what role the media may play in return migration.

The third question is focused on integration. The fact that Estonia’s Russian-speaking audience tracks a lot of Russian media channels is known. Is the ‘mental transnationalism’ of the Russian-speaking population, which is being continuously preserved via the media, positively or negatively associated with integration into Estonian society?

The influence of the media on theoretical conceptions concerning migration

Massey et al. (1999) recommend that in the analysis and forecasting of the migration process synthesised models should be used. These encompass various factors: political, economic and network influences promoting migration in the country of origin and the country of destination, including people’s motivations and desires. Networks are emphasised alongside economic and political factors promoting migration. During the course of communication between people who have migrated to another country and those who have remained behind in the migrants’ country of origin, the initial information that spreads is about local factors, job offers, requirements for communicating with local agencies and other practical information. Therefore, for the first group of emigrants, heading abroad is risky and requires a great deal of work; however, social infrastructure develops on site during the course of adapting to new conditions, and this simplifies the process of emigration for new arrivals, thereby increasing the emigration intentions and incidence of migration of friends and relatives remaining in the country of origin (Vertovec 2004).

Over the past few years, the rate of emigration of Estonians has been higher to those countries where, on the one hand, the existing economic and political systems favour immigrant labour, and, on the other hand, there is also a relatively large community of fellow countrymen already present. So it is that emigration from Estonia over the past decade has been highest to Finland, where it is estimated that up to 70,000 people hailing from Estonia reside (Alenius 2015), and who live in Finland permanently (over 50,000) or temporarily (nearly 20,000) (Kumer-Haukanõmme & Telve 2016).

Media, especially internet use, raises interest in migration, even if family members or friends have not moved abroad. The media is also skilled at putting people’s imagination to work: by mediating other cultures, customs, lifestyles and opportunities, the media shapes not only the fantasies people have of other locations and of migrating, but also their actual migration plans (Appadurai 1996). Social media promotes the development of so-called weak networks, i.e. communication with people who are not part of the closest circle of family and friends or with whom communication is infrequent, or relations rekindled after a long interval. It is believed that weak networks in particular are strong promoters of migration, since it is via these that communication with a diverse array of people takes place (Granovetter 1973).

In the survey, every second resident of Estonia responded that they have a relative/friend/acquaintance that has emigrated abroad, which indicates that a broader communications network is in place today. Approximately a quarter of the residents of Estonia maintain a connection with friends/relatives living abroad via social media or communicate with family members via Skype (source: Me. The World. Media 2014, author’s calculations). The opportunity to communicate cheaply with those who have stayed at home, to see a companion and their surroundings and to communicate directly with them reduces homesickness and helps to preserve an emotional connection and support, reducing the feeling of a lack of roots in the new location (Horst 2006). Therefore, researchers are in agreement that (social) media has lowered the thresholds for migration.

Consumption of media is also important when it comes to conceptualising the integration of emigrants in their new location, above all through the definition of transnationalism. People who are connected via a work, family or other networks to more than one country, who use cross-border connections in organising their daily lives and whose identity, norms, and understanding are shaped by multiple countries and societies, are considered to be transnationals (Bash, Glick, Schiller & Blanc-Szanton 1994). That being the case, adaptation and integration in the country of residence do not mean progressive movement from one society to another, but instead parallel relations: the standards, values, identity narratives, etc., of the different societies shape the life strategy, future dreams, sense of belonging, selection of information sources and interpretation of information on the part of integrating people, in some instances creating internal clashes and stresses, but in some instances forming new combinations. Sometimes, the process of integration takes place in different ways in the various fields of life within society. For example, local standards are followed when going to work in the new country, while at the same time one also keeps up to speed with news from the country or origin, participating actively in social media campaigns, etc.

Transnationalism may involve a physical situation of literally ‘one foot here and the other there’, as well as mentally existing in multiple societies at one time, above all via (social) media (Vertovec 2004). In Estonia, the phenomena of transnationalism can be vividly observed in the Russian-speaking population: the vast majority spend several hours a day following Russian media, while at the same time infrequently visiting friends/family or business partners living in Russia or other countries comprising the CIS: 33% of Estonian Russian-speakers have never been to those countries and 54% of them have visited those countries only once or twice.

Consumption of local and foreign media

It is difficult, but not impossible, to precisely distinguish between the use of foreign media channels and the consumption of local media. However this can be indirectly explicated, on the basis of subject matter (programs about other countries, etc.), the point of origin of the channel, and the language used. Table 3.2.1 presents the approximate following of channels with different points of origin and languages by 15-75 year-old residents of Estonia, identified ethno-linguistically. Identified are the consumption of Russian, Western and local Estonian- and Russian-language media channels. In order to be able to extrapolate the viewership size of media channels, two variables have been used, distinguishing between those who frequently follow the corresponding channels and those who infrequently or never follow the channels (see explanations of indicators below the Table).

Table 3.2.1. Local and foreign media consumption among the population of Estonia in 2014 (according to the language in which the survey was answered, %). Statistical error confidence limit ±5%

Source: “Me. The World. Media” 2014. N = 1503.

1. Newspapers (printed and online), web portals, radio channels, CNN, BBC, Euronews or other foreign TV channels.

2. ETV, ETV2, commercial radio stations, Estonian language news and music radio stations, Postimees (printed or online), Päevaleht, Õhtuleht and other Estonian language newspapers (printed and online); Delfi or ERR portals (in Estonian).

3. Tv3+,Raadio4, Russkoje Radio, other Russian-language radio stations, Postimees in Russian, Den za Dnjom, MK Estonia, Delovõje Vedomosti (printed and online), the Postimees portal in Russian, Delfi, ERR in Russian.

4.Follows rarely or never – the respondent follows all of the above mentioned channels less frequently than once per month or not at all.

5. Follows regularly – follows at least one channel several times a week or every day.

Media consumption by residents of Estonia is mostly differentiated by nationality or mother tongue and age. Educational and gender differences are markedly smaller. The majority of Estonians follow Russian media channels rarely or never, although Estonia’s Russian-language audience follows one or several Russian channels on a regular basis. The majority of the Russian-speaking population never or very rarely follows Estonian-language channels. Foreign (excluding Russian) media – television or radio channels, portals or newspapers or a variety of these – are followed more frequently by Estonia’s Russian-speaking residents than by Estonians. According to Table 3.2.1, it can be stated that media consumption by Estonians is significantly more local than that of the Russian-speaking population. Media consumption by Estonia’s Russian-speaking population, based on the origin of channels, is more diverse, encompassing both local (Russian-language) media, Russian, as well as other foreign media.

Does this difference become less apparent with age? For example, does media consumption become more similar in the case of younger age groups? In comparison with the middle-aged and older people, Russian youth follow Estonian-language channels less frequently (57% follow infrequently or not at all) and somewhat less than Russian channels (20% do not follow regularly, including 7% who follow infrequently or not at all). In both language or nationality groups, young people follow foreign media (slightly) more frequently than older people. Among Estonians the effect of age is more strongly felt, i.e. young people follow foreign media much more frequently than older people. Within the Russian-speaking audience there is also a great deal of interest towards foreign media among older age groups.

Do Russian-speaking people watch foreign media because of greater interest in what is taking place elsewhere or the wish (expressed in the media output of different countries) for diversity? Most likely it is a combination of factors. It is possible that a part is played here by the fact that several international media channels forward Russian-language broadcasts or articles. Older Russian speakers are therefore able to keep track of foreign media without the need to know foreign languages. The reason may also be a certain norm among Estonia’s Russian-speaking audience to follow many different types of media channels: ‘putting the picture together oneself’ using information obtained from different channels is considered to be a sign of wisdom, and people who consume geographically- and linguistically-diverse media are, for example, seen as more authoritative in a crisis situation than people with an ‘information menu’ based on one or two sources (see Vihalemm & Hogan-Brun 2013).

According to data from “Me. The World. Media”, since 2005 the regular share of Estonian media channel followers has declined in the context of the media-consuming habits of the Russian-speaking population, and in turn the number of people following local Russian language channels has increased. No significant changes have taken place in the following of Russian and international media channels (Leppik & Vihalemm 2017, submitted for publication).

Figure 3.2.1. The importance of frequent* followers of foreign (excluding Russian) media channels according to the age groups of the Estonian and Russian audience (foreign language media consumption is a constructed index identifier based on individual characteristics).

Source: “Me. The World. Media” 2014.

* Follows one or more foreign channels at least several times a week or every day: newspapers (both paper and digital format), portals, and radio or television channels.

Tracking topics related to other countries

As noted above, media content published about other countries and nationalities may stimulate the imagination and, combined with the effects of other factors, create the motivation to migrate. Topics related to other countries are also reflected in the local media, and interest in following them is indirectly related to the readiness of people, at least in their thoughts, to relate to other environments and people, as well as (cultural) curiosity, which may, in conjunction with other stimulating factors, lead to trips abroad or migration. It is evident from Figure 3.2.2 that through the intermediation of local or foreign media every second resident of Estonia is interested in news from abroad, global events or simply impressions from travel and daily life in other countries. There are no significant ethno-linguistic or age differences in the interests in question. In general, interest in foreign topics, in comparison with other “Me. The World. Media” 2014 survey items, has been average. Residents of Estonia are equally interested in, for example, the topics of nature, science, law and economics. Interest in other countries remains below the level of interest in social problems, health, childrearing, relationship topics, and society news.

Figure 3.2.2. Interest by residents of Estonia towards foreign topics in the media (% of all respondents)

Source: “Me. The World. Media” 2014.

That which is written/discussed/photographed by journalists is not the only source of information about other countries, work practices, and culture. The continuous expansion of the number of social media users is promoted in particular by the expansion of personal experience abroad in addition to journalistic mediation. According to the study “Me. The World. Media” 2014, 68% of the 15-79 year-old population of Estonia uses social media and only 19% of those have never used any social media from outside Estonia (see Figure 3.2.3). Figure 3.2.3 also shows that there are more and broader social media contacts outside of Estonia among the Russian-speaking population. Older people have fewer social media contacts abroad and young people have more contacts, with differentiation by age evident to approximately age 50.

Figure 3.2.3. Foreign social media contacts of Estonian residents. The relative importance of respondents by nationality and age, who have social media contacts outside of Estonia

Source: “Me. The World. Media” 2014.

Generally speaking, we can say that, one way or another, a large portion of the residents of Estonia have experience, via either regular media or social media, with other countries – this being somewhat more common among the Russian-speaking population.

Connections between media use and migration interest and experience

Frequent following of media channels from other countries (see Table 3.2.1) is only associated with an increased desire to temporarily or permanently leave Estonia in young people under the age of 30. In middle- and older-age groups, the regular following of foreign media was not associated with a desire to migrate, although a correlation did appear between the desire to stay put (definitely no plans to leave Estonia) and the regular following of local Russian- or Estonian-language media in the over-30 age group. Among regular foreign media followers, there is an approximately 10% higher prevalence of those who have a few or many relatives/friends that have emigrated abroad. The correlation analysis also shows a statistically-significant, yet weak, association between frequency of following foreign media and interest in migration, with migration experiences that are mediated by loved ones.

For the purpose of analysing the media-consumption habits of people with migration experience, the ‘looking back method’ can be used, i.e. studying those who over the past five years had travelled abroad several times per year for reasons of work or study or (according to their own subjective definition) lived abroad for an extended period of time. The majority of these people (78%) were ready to leave once again for an extended period of time or permanently, and therefore they can be designated as people with a strong potential to migrate, who have migration experience and also interest in once again leaving and the readiness to once again apply their skills for coping abroad.

The readiness to migrate also gives them a certain advantage in society (mobility capital) over others, who mentally and physically are not as ready to move. Even though the group is not very large (N = 83), such an extrapolation of the nationwide survey data allows for a comparison of the representative sample with the average, which is not possible in the case of a targeted sample. Comparing this group’s distribution according to age, gender, nationality and education with the average for the adult population of Estonia, young people aged 15-29 (53% of the group falls within this age range) in the group have a strong migration potential. Men and Estonians are prone to migrate at a rate that is slightly above average, although there is no distinction related to the level of education. According to data from the 2014 Labour Force Survey by Statistics Estonia, over the last ten years among those who spent some time working abroad and thereafter returned to Estonia (a total of 68,500 persons) there are more young people and men (Krusell 2015).

Every third person with a strong readiness to migrate regularly follows one or several western media channels; on average in Estonia, every tenth person does the same. Only 9% of migrants follow no media channels, with a quarter of Estonian residents generally not following any western media channels. When comparing media consumption by a group with strong migration potential to local people of the same age and education level, it becomes apparent that they follow foreign media channels more frequently. In many ways these tendencies can be explained by the relative importance of the share of young people, although a part is apparently also played by migration experience and the habit developed abroad of following social media and news portals. In comparison with local people their own age, people with migration experience and an interest in migration have less of an association with information flows created by local media organisations – public broadcasting and locally-published newspapers. Every third person from the migrant group does not follow any public broadcasting channels (Estonian average 14%); every second person does not regularly read a newspaper (Estonian average 22%). Two-thirds of migrants are not in the habit of following Estonian news every day.

Media use by the ‘migrant group’ in comparison with local people is more internet-centred: they follow the web versions of news portals and newspapers and use social media more often. Much of this can be explained by the large number of young people in the group, but also by migration experience. When spending time abroad it is convenient to use social media to share information about oneself, follow friends, participate in virtual discussions, and comment on articles published in the media, and share links to articles with friends. People with migration experience do this at an above-average rate (two-thirds of migrants vs. the Estonian average of one-third).

Qualitative studies with Estonians who have emigrated (Sepp 2015; Simonlatser 2015) also indicate that a large portion of topical news is exchanged via social media. It is social media, with its emotionality and opportunities for dialogue, that promises to create virtual micro communities which help to compensate for physical absence from one’s homeland (Bonini 2011). As such, the use of media can just as well support migration by maintaining relationships with those remaining at home as well as creating one’s own distinctive identity.

In general, the use of media by those who have migrated from Estonia and then returned is less focused on a single territory and more transnational: in comparison with local compatriots, they more frequently follow media channels from foreign countries and consume fewer domestic media publications. Could this also serve to constrain their re-acclimatisation to Estonia? The data from the survey in question does not provide an answer to this, although it is possible to analyse the connections between mediated transnationalism and integration into Estonian society in the case of Estonia’s Russian-speaking population.

Mediated transnationalism and integration of Estonia’s Russian-speaking population into society

As can be seen in Table 3.2.1, media use by Estonian Russian-speakers is geographically and linguistically diverse: they consume western media channels, local Russian-language and Estonian-language media channels as well as media channels from Russia. Media use by Estonians is more localised.

A more thorough analysis of the connections between transnationalism and the integration of Russian-speaking society, along with a description of the methodology, is presented elsewhere (Leppik & Vihalemm 2017). Transnationalism is analysed on the basis of an ‘aggregate characteristic’, which is comprised of multiple individual characteristics from the Me. The World. Media survey (using a subsample of the Russian-speaking population, N=453): visiting friends and relations abroad; friends-relatives heading abroad to live; (close) contacts with other countries; and the use or following of Russian and international media channels. This resulted in the formation of an index, in which the Russian-speakers were divided into three groups in order to facilitate tracking: ‘transnationalism is missing or weak’, ‘transnationalism is average’ ‘and transnationalism is strong’. Strong transnationalism is characterised by close contacts with and exposure to different countries, friends-relations living abroad and their more frequent visits, and the frequent following of international and Russian media channels. Weak or missing transnationalism denotes infrequent interactions/contacts and little or no following of international and Russian television channels. Average transnationalism falls in between these two categories.

Figure 3.2.4 provides an overview of the appearance of transnationalism according to socio-demographic groups. Among age groups, the transnationalism index value is highest among 25-44 year olds, who also have the most mobile lifestyle. Transnationalism manifests itself weakly among those who are 65 and older, who are mainly first generation immigrants. Living in relatively important regions with a large Russian-speaking population does not especially support transnationalism: the index’s highest values appear outside of Tallinn and the industrial towns of Ida-Viru County.

Citizenship is country-specific human capital, which at the same time promotes assimilation (first and foremost in the case of the first generation) into the recipient’s society. Presuming that connections with one’s historic homeland exist in one way or another, Estonian citizenship may appear to be a factor supporting transnationalism. Estonian citizens are, in our analysis, more transnational than native Russian-speakers with Russian or unspecified citizenship.

An important country-specific capital element is knowledge of the national language, i.e. Estonian, which could be associated with, for example, a more diverse selection of media and social networks, thereby supporting transnationalism. An analysis of the index’s averages indicates that among those who speak Estonian, the values of the transnationalism index are higher than among those who don’t speak Estonian. A certain trend is discernible when following the index’s average changes according to education levels: the higher the level of education is, the higher the index value, so Russian-speaking residents with higher education are in everyday life more transnational than their compatriots with an upper-secondary or basic-school education.

Figure 3.2.4. Strong, average and weak transnationalism across social-demographic groups in Estonia’s Russian-speaking population

Source: Leppik & Vihalemm, 2017.

Stronger transnationalism, i.e. the association of Russian-speaking people following local as well as foreign media channels and regularly communicating with friends-relatives living outside of Estonia via social media, with Estonia’s political system and job market, as well as non-governmental organisations and cultural institutions, is stronger in comparison with people with weaker transnationalism (Leppik & Vihalemm 2017). Therefore, transnationalism may not serve to constrain assimilation within the local community.

An important factor tying in integration and media use seems to be the constancy in time and space with which media information is followed. Especially in connection with the development of the possibilities offered by the internet, many people do not follow the news as part of their everyday pattern - instead they only do so randomly, thus being unaware of the story or context behind the development of problems. In short, they follow a moment within the entire process and once again leave the information flow. Regularly following the local news allows for analysis of the ‘unravelling’ of events and processes over time, supports integration into society and participation therein. And the reverse is also true - a strong association with local institutions and processes also forces one to keep up-to-date with the development of events (see Leppik & Vihalemm 2017). In the case of Estonians, more of them are themselves situated in the everyday news flow – in mass media as well as through links and recommendations via social media – than are members of the Russian-speaking population (see Figure 3.2.5).

Figure 3.2.5. Pattern of following local news (percent of Estonians and Russian-speaking residents, 2005-2014)

Source: “Me. The World. Media “, 2008, 2011 and 2014.

Over the past ten years a certain polarisation has occurred: the number of those who are not in the habit of following the news each day is growing, but the number of those who follow the news several times each day is also growing.

Summary

Using media to become familiar with other locations and communicating via social media with people who have migrated to other nations, as well as following migration themed blogs, YouTube and other internet channels, are important factors in amplifying interest in migration. Therefore, it should be taken into consideration when investigating the consumption of foreign media and studying foreign contacts by residents of Estonia that while a direct connection between interest in migration and media use cannot be confirmed, the media and network factor does manifest in combination with economic, political and other factors.

Judging by the following of foreign media and foreign network contacts, the number of people ‘possibly interested’ in migration, within the Estonian population, is quite high. The question of whether more-frequent foreign media use is also related to greater interest in migration can be answered partially in the affirmative. As emphasised above, however, it is rather the amplifying combination of several different factors that has impact. Migration experience and interest is higher among younger people and they are more accustomed to following foreign media than middle-aged and older people. The amplifying effect of foreign media use is revealed, first and foremost, in the younger age group (under 30). In the older age group, the active following of foreign media is not associated with increased migration interest.

Nationality and language groups are also important differentials. Estonians mostly follow local media output, while media consumption by the Russian-speaking viewership is more diverse, with from one-third to one-half following foreign media channels as well as local Russian-language and Russian media channels. Therefore, we cannot really accept the claim that Estonian Russian-speakers live in the Russian media sphere, because this sphere is actually much broader and more diverse in terms of the selection of channels than its Estonian counterpart (the interpretation of the content offered is another matter). It can be said that in terms of the influence of the media and the network factor, the migration readiness of Estonian Russian-speakers could be much greater than that of Estonians. The decision to migrate is also influenced by other factors; therefore, predictions based purely on media interest cannot, in the end, be made.

The use of media by people with migration experience (i.e. having been away from and returned to Estonia) differs from that of the people remaining in the old location by way of its greater focus on internet channels and social media, while news is not followed as regularly, especially via public broadcasting channels and newspapers. Migrants who have returned follow foreign media more frequently than local people of the same age group. Therefore, it can be said that the ’mental transnationalism’ generated by the media persists and very likely encourages new migration.

Media use by Estonian Russian-speakers is geographically and linguistically more diverse than that of Estonians. Western media channels, local Russian-language and Estonian-language media channels, as well as media channels from Russia, are followed. Strong transnationalism – regular following of foreign media, many friends/relatives abroad and frequent communication with them – characterises approximately half of all Estonian Russian-speakers. Transnationalism is observed more often in 25-44 year-olds with a higher level of education living outside of Tallinn and the towns of Ida Viru County. Transnationalism is a phenomenon more often associated with citizenship and language skills, and not a phenomenon that interferes with integration.

Integration is also promoted by the habit of regularly following local news. Current tendencies show that especially among the Russian-speaking population a group is beginning to grow that is not in the habit of regularly following local news. Local news is followed only randomly; people step into a discussion momentarily and then once again leave the information flow.

Sponsoring the habit of regularly following news and national-level journalism (regardless of the channel) - within a public space that is increasingly becoming fractured and more individualised - could become one of the important objectives of integration and could also indirectly be applied to the promotion of return migration regardless of nationality. Why not try defining regular following of the news as a so-to-speak citizenship skill? To do so, the habit of discussing the news of the day must be formed during civic education, along with an investment in the development of methodology related to the goal in question.

Digital media channels (including social networks) allow one to live in the space of the standards, meanings and opportunities of several societies; therefore, the state and other institutions face a challenge: how to bind their citizens/tax payers together and turn the blurring of borders to their advantage. Supporting the transnationalist initiatives of various media channels, in order to create reasons for mediated communication in various fields also outside of personal relationships, could be one way of ‘bringing talent back home’.

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